Morocco and America: From Sultan Mohammed III to King Mohammed VI
Dr. Abdullah Bousouf
Written by: Abdullah Boussouf (Historian, Secretary General of the Council of the Moroccan Community Abroad)
There are many historical and academic studies and research papers that have addressed the history of Moroccan-American relations, with Morocco's lead in the independence of the United States from the British crown in 1777 taking the lion's share of all these intellectual and academic discussions.
But we feel that it is possible to improve and strengthen our reading of these events that changed the course of history, and that it is possible to invent new readings of their symbolism and the extension of their repercussions into time, even to the present day.
This stems from a strong desire to accelerate reflection and contemplation on the power of the decision and its implications, and to interpret the personality of the decision-maker at a pivotal time in the history of the noble Kingdom of Morocco and the birth of a new world order at that time. Because the decision itself paved the way for Moroccan-American relations that have evolved throughout history, the depth of which can only be understood by returning to the details of contexts spanning two centuries.
All this calls for intensifying collective thinking and allocating new space to study the boldness of Morocco's position and recognition within contexts of intersectionality and polarization that have been hostage to the economic, commercial, and political interests of major powers.
From here we can pose a very simple but very logical question: Why did the Moroccan Empire recognize the independence of a new country beyond the Atlantic Ocean, mired in the repercussions of the War of Independence with Britain, which had reached its eighth year and whose ships were exposed to piracy in the Mediterranean after the British protection and flags were removed from American ships, which exposed trade to bankruptcy and merchants to captivity?
At the same time, powerful countries such as France, Spain, and the Netherlands hesitated to make a decision regarding recognition, despite contacts between American envoys and the Palace of Versailles.
Was Sultan Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah merely an adventurer, for example, or was he a perceptive diplomat who appreciated historical moments and positions? Because, by the same logic, we conclude that Sultan Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah's recognition of the independence of the United States of America in 1867 makes the hypothesis of the anger of Great Britain, with its powerful fleet and advanced military arsenal, justified, along with that of the other powerful powers of the time.
But if we return to the many correspondences of the consuls, memoirs and private papers such as the papers of John Adams, Thomas Jefferson and also the consul Thomas Barclay, we find that they all describe the Sultan/Emperor Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdullah with all the qualities of shrewdness and diplomatic experience, the seeker of justice, the lover of freedom and against slavery and captivity. Among these are his sending of the ambassador Mohammed Ben Othman Al-Maknasi to release about 613 Muslim prisoners on the island of Malta, as well as his assignment of the ambassador and minister Sidi Al-Hajj Al-Taher Ben Abdelhaq Fenich to accompany 17 French sailors who were in captivity during his trip to Paris via the port of Marseille.
There is no doubt that the Moroccan Sultan/Emperor's recognition of the independence of the United States of America made him the first country in history. This recognition, coupled with all the political implications it carried, came at a time when American envoys in Paris, armed with Emer Vattel's book on international law, were working tirelessly to secure the French king's recognition.
Sultan Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdullah did not stop at the recognition, but opened his ports, especially Mogador, to American merchant ships, while guaranteeing protection from Mediterranean pirates.
Moreover, the American-Libyan War (1801-1805) disrupted this rapprochement and cooperation, and this relationship suffered a great loss, at a time when the Moroccan Sultan strengthened his position as a powerful player in war and peace by signing trade and friendship treaties and agreements with 11 countries. This would justify the arrival of the American envoy, Thomas Barclay, to Marrakesh in June 1786 to sign the Treaty of Friendship and Peace, nearly a decade after Morocco recognized American independence in 1777. The signing took place after discussions with the Sultan’s representative, Sidi Taher Ben Abdelhak Fenich, about the points of the draft agreement, and then it was submitted to Sultan Mohammed III. This agreement is still in effect today, and was strengthened during the reign of Moulay Suleiman with the opening of an American legation in Tangier in 1821 as the first diplomatic headquarters outside the American borders.
Discussing the reign of Sultan Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdallah is incomplete without mentioning his construction of the city of Essaouira, or Mogador, and the role of its port in international trade and the consolidation of relations with Amsterdam, London, Venice, Madrid, and Paris.
The Sultan's retention of Marrakesh as the capital of his kingdom and his construction of a new Atlantic city carried messages of Moroccan openness to the north and the North Atlantic. This has been interpreted by more than one historian and researcher as, first, the Sultan's desire to secure new and consistent revenues for the treasury, and second, to enter into strategic political and military alliances with powerful countries to repel all foreign ambitions, especially since Morocco's geostrategic location as a gateway to the Mediterranean and the African continent made it a target for the colonial powers.
In modern terms, Sultan Mohammed III was aware of the importance of infrastructure, especially in the cities on the Atlantic coast, to strengthen the economy and bolster military and defense capabilities. He was also aware of the importance of human resources and competencies. Therefore, he was known for attracting well-known Moroccan Jewish families in the world of finance, business, and translation from most Moroccan regions to conduct trade, customs, and exchange activities, granting them privileges and benefits. In this way, Sultan Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah transformed Essaouira into a financial and commercial hub in 18th-century Morocco.
John Adams's memoirs or papers spoke with great respect of Sultan Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah and the need for the new American state to form partnerships and friendships with Morocco in order to protect its trade and interests in the Mediterranean and Atlantic.
Thus, Moroccan-American relations continued to develop and strengthen during the most important moments of the reign of Sultan Moulay Slimane and the reign of Sultan Mohammed V. The United States was among the first countries to recognize Morocco's independence, and the historic visit of the late King Hassan II, may God bless his soul, at the height of the Cold War, continued through the reign of King Mohammed VI, and the consolidation and modernization of this relationship through His Majesty's visits to the United States and the conclusion of strategic agreements and partnerships opening up to the Atlantic/American space.
Therefore, the US administration's recognition in December 2020 of Morocco's sovereignty over its entire Sahara, for example, falls within this historical process that spans two centuries, beginning with Emperor Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah, or Mohammed III, recognizing the independence of the United States of America in 1777.
Because Morocco's recognition of the independence of the United States of America truly changed the course of history, it calls for greater attention and a rereading of the letters of Western consuls and American envoys, because history often repeats itself with some changes in details.
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